Cold Open

It’s January 5th, 1968, in Prague, the capital of communist Czechoslovakia.

In a wood-paneled chamber inside an ancient castle, 47-year-old Alexander Dubček stares at the empty ballot paper in front of him. All around him, dozens of other Communist Party officials are busy writing down a name on their own ballots. Dubček hesitates, though, his pencil poised over the paper.

Then, he takes a deep breath and carefully prints out his own name. He just hopes the other party members around him are doing the same thing.

This morning, the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was ousted in a vote of the Central Committee. And now, Dubček thinks he has a chance of replacing him as the leader of the country.

He walks over to the ballot box and drops his paper into the slot. Then returns to his seat, acknowledging the smiles and nods of his friends in the chamber. Once all the ballots have been deposited, a group of committee members leaves the room to count the votes.

So while the other members discuss their predictions for the vote, Dubček waits in tense silence. He knows what’s at stake for the future of his nation.

Dubček belongs to the minority Slovak population, who have long been politically and economically sidelined. But if he's elected today, he intends to change that—and much more.

The vote-counters return to the chamber. As the lead official steps up to a lectern, conversation dies away. And Dubček realizes he can hardly breathe as he watches the man slowly unfold a piece of paper.

The room is silent. Then the man reads out the name of the winner. “Alexander Dubček”.

The room breaks into applause. Dozens of people surround Dubček to shake his hand or clap him on the back. But he just stares. He can’t believe it. He is the next First Secretary. The new ruler of Czechoslovakia.

Alexander Dubček will usher in a period of unprecedented freedom in communist Czechoslovakia. In the West, his reforms will be called “The Prague Spring”. But in the Soviet Union, they will be seen as a threat. Still, few on either side of the Iron Curtain will guess just how radical Dubček would be when he was appointed as First Secretary on January 5th, 1968.

Introduction

From Noiser and Airship, I’m Lindsay Graham, and this is History Daily.

History is made every day. On this podcast—every day—we tell the true stories of the people and events that shaped our world.

Today is January 5th, 1968: The Beginning of the Prague Spring.

Act One: Change is in the air

It’s December 9th, 1967, in Prague, Czechoslovakia, less than a month before Alexander Dubček’s election as First Secretary.

Leonid Brezhnev looks out of the car window at snow-lined streets. Brezhnev is the Soviet Premier, and he has just flown in from Moscow for an important meeting.

In principle, the Soviet Union is a federation of equal national republics. But in reality, all the most important decisions in the bloc are made by Brezhnev and other senior leaders in Moscow. And they have been worried about Czechoslovakia for some time, because it was at once one of the most prosperous countries in Eastern Europe. Until it was devastated by World War II. And when peace came, things didn’t get any better. The country fell under the control of the Soviets. And their rule ushered in brutal censorship, political purges, a stagnant economy, and rampant corruption.

So in the last year, intellectuals, students, and even some politicians have begun quietly advocating for change. The 1967 Czechoslovak Writers’ Congress was even bold enough to publicly call for the end of censorship. And two months ago, in October, unrest broke out among students protesting the poor conditions in their dorms.

The Czechoslovakian government, though, is struggling to mount an effective response. Its leader is First Secretary Antonín Novotny —and it’s at his request that Brezhnev has come to Prague.

Novotny’s political opponents have been pushing for a vote of no-confidence. But if Brezhnev shows his support, then they’ll certainly have to back down.

Brezhnev’s car sweeps through the elaborate gates of Prague Castle and stops in an imposing courtyard.

Brezhnev then steps out into the cold December air, closely followed by his local Czech interpreter. A delegation of local party members is waiting to greet him. And a beaming Novotny is the first to step forward and shake Brezhnev's hand. He thanks the Soviet Premier for making the journey and then introduces him to the other men.

Brezhnev works his way down the line, shaking hands while his interpreter translates the men’s greetings. But then one of the delegates surprises Brezhnev by addressing him in fluent Russian.

His name is Alexander Dubček. He’s a proud Slovak, but he tells Brezhnev that he spent much of his childhood in the central Russian city of Gorky. Brezhnev smiles, pleased to find someone who speaks his own language.

But before they can talk much more, Novotny leads them all inside to a meeting room. Brezhnev takes a seat at the head of the table. And an aide brings him a coffee and lights his cigarette. Then Brezhnev listens to his interpreter as proceedings begin.

Despite all the smiles outside, it’s clear that the high-ranking members of the local Communist Party are all deeply divided. Even Brezhnev’s presence doesn’t stop them from challenging Novotny directly. They criticize his authoritarian leadership style and lay out the impact of widespread corruption on the people.

The attack on Novotny is so brazen that Brezhnev doesn’t need the interpreter to see that Novotny is disliked by his comrades. It’s clear that he will struggle to maintain order if he stays in power.

And that's when the Slovak, Alexander Dubček, leans forward and begins to speak. Unlike Novotny’s belligerent style, Dubček talks quietly and calmly.

Brezhnev is impressed. This is the kind of level-headed leadership the communist party in Czechoslovakia needs right now.

But Dubček’s composure only seems to antagonize Novotny. He grows frustrated as he tries to defend his decisions. But despite his increasingly desperate glances up the table, Brezhnev doesn’t say a word in his support. Finally, a shaking Novotny turns to Brezhnev and asks him for his backing directly. But Brezhnev just takes a deep breath, puts out his cigarette, and shakes his head. In Russian, he says, “That’s your business”.

Across the table, Brezhnev sees a smile flit across the features of the Russian-speaking Dubček. But as the interpreter translates Brezhnev’s words for the rest of the room, Novotny’s expression darkens.

Everyone present knows what this means. Brezhnev’s refusal to support Novotny spells the end of his leadership.

And the message that the Russians won’t save Novotny will quickly spread through the Czechoslovakian Communist Party. Novotny’s support will collapse, and his opponents will call for an extraordinary meeting of the party’s central committee. Early in 1968, a vote will be held on a new leader for the country. And after years of stagnation and repression in Czechoslovakia, another future will suddenly feel possible.

Act Two: Socialism with a human face

It’s April 1st, 1968, at the Czechoslovak Radio Station in Prague, three months after Alexander Dubček became First Secretary.

Dubček sits at a desk in front of a camera and goes through his notes one last time. He’s spent weeks preparing for this moment. Because he is about to give a televised address to the people of Czechoslovakia. Millions will be watching and listening. So, he’s got to get this right.

The light on the camera glows red. And Dubček grasps the edges of his papers and smiles into the lens. He speaks quietly and deliberately, being careful not to rush. He wants people to understand everything he has to say.

Then, over the next few minutes, Dubček outlines what he calls his “Action Program.” He proposes a series of liberalizing reforms, including greater freedom of speech. Then, he shares a radical plan to remake the country. Czechoslovakia’s single unified state will become a federation of two equal parts. Dubček hopes that this will give more autonomy to the poorer Slovak region of the country, which has long been underrepresented in national politics.

He calls these reforms “socialism with a human face”.

And the public’s response is positive. Intellectuals soon begin testing the boundaries of the relaxed rules, and by early March, radio stations and newspapers are airing opinions that even a few months earlier would have been unthinkable.

Word of Dubček’s reforms soon reaches the West. And international journalists start calling this new era of freedom the “Prague Spring”.

But not everyone is enthusiastic. The Soviet Premier Leonid Brezhnev looks on from Moscow with growing trepidation. He expected Dubček to be a safe choice as First Secretary, to maintain the status quo. But now he’s pulling at a thread that may unravel the entire Soviet system.

Propaganda and censorship are vital tools in keeping the local populations in line. Brezhnev fears that if “socialism with a human face” spreads to other countries within the Soviet bloc, Moscow’s power over the rest of the USSR may be threatened.

So Brezhnev decides something must be done. But he is a cautious man. His first move is to organize a conference between Czechoslovakian and Kremlin representatives, hoping that things can be resolved without the need for a more public confrontation.

But this meeting is tense and emotional. Dubček insists that the reforms he’s introduced are a way of strengthening socialism, rather than an attempt to dismantle it. But Brezhnev is not convinced. He insists that the “Action Program” needs to be rolled back and censorship reinstated. And if the Czechoslovakians don’t comply, more forceful measures will have to be taken.

The threat seems to work. Dubček reaffirms Czechoslovakian loyalty to the Soviet Union. And promises that his government will limit press freedoms and suppress the spread of anti-Soviet sentiments. In return, Brezhnev and his delegation agree not to resort to military action.

But nothing is put in writing, so the two sides agree to meet again to hash out a formal declaration.

On August 3rd, 1968, Brezhnev and Dubček meet again. This time, they’re joined by representatives from other states in the Soviet Bloc, including Poland, Bulgaria, and Hungary. The meeting concludes with a public declaration by the leaders. They affirm their unshakeable faith in socialism and agree to intensify the struggle against all “bourgeois and revisionist forces.”

But beneath the language of comradeship lies a thinly veiled threat. If the Czechoslovakians don’t restore censorship and purge the so-called anti-socialist elements from its membership, the wider USSR will intervene.

Over the weeks that follow, Brezhnev makes several phone calls to Dubček, urging him to do as he’s been told. But Dubček calls the bluff. He tells Brezhnev to “take the measures he thinks necessary” and echoes Brezhnev’s own words back to him, saying “That’s your business”. Furious, Brezhnev ends the phone call. He's given Dubček more than enough chances. So, it’s time for the military to bring the Prague Spring to an end.

On the night of August 20th, 1968, 200,000 Soviet troops cross the border from Hungary into Czechoslovakia. The soldiers are supported by thousands of tanks and aircraft.

Alexander Dubček is at the Communist Party Headquarters in Prague when he hears about the invasion. He desperately tries to get through to Brezhnev in Moscow, but the lines have been cut.

And it’s not long before Dubček hears the rumble of tanks in the streets outside and the drone of warplanes overhead. His chest grows tight with fear. He never thought it would come to this.

But over the coming days, Soviet troops will occupy all of Czechoslovakia. And Alexander Dubček’s “Socialism with a Human Face” will be killed off before it has a chance to take root.

Act Three: The end of spring

It’s 4 AM, on August 21st, 1968, in Prague, a few hours after Soviet troops invaded Czechoslovakia.

Alexander Dubček is escorted out of Prague Castle by Soviet soldiers and forced into a waiting car.

The response from the Kremlin to his reforms has been more heavy-handed than Dubček ever imagined. Everything he’s worked for has been lost in just a matter of hours.

And he doesn’t dare to think of what awaits him at the end of this car journey. During the history of the Soviet Union, many political prisoners have died in mysterious circumstances or simply disappeared. So, as the car heads toward the airport, Dubček sinks back into his seat, overcome with sadness.

But then his Soviet guard swears, and Dubček looks out of the car window. In the distance, beyond soldiers’ barricades, he can see hundreds of citizens swarming the streets. He feels a swell of pride. The Czechoslovakians may not be able to resist the military strength of the Soviet bloc, but their spirit cannot be defeated.

This outpouring of public support possibly saves Dubček’s life. He’s taken to Moscow for interrogation, but he doesn’t disappear into a prison cell. Instead, Soviet Premier Leonid Brezhnev presents him with the “Moscow Protocol.”

Under the terms of this document, Dubček will be allowed to return to Czechoslovakia. But the military occupation of his country will continue, censorship will be reintroduced, and all political associations outside of the communist party will be banned. Confronted with this ultimatum, Dubček wants to refuse. But he knows that if he does, the Soviet response will be even more brutal. Thousands of people could die. So, in the end, he signs the agreement.

Dubček returns home a broken man. And just a few months later, the Kremlin tightens its grip. A period of so-called “normalization” is imposed on Czechoslovakia. Dubček is forced out. And the local Communist Party is purged. And an even harsher regime of censorship and surveillance is introduced.

The Prague Spring is over. But the hope it kindled in the hearts of people across the Soviet Union will not be extinguished, and many will continue to fight for change as part of underground resistance groups.

Then, in 1989, the Berlin Wall will come tumbling down, and the Czechoslovakian Communist Party will be overthrown. 40 years of repressive one-party rule will end, and Czechoslovakia will go on to become two thriving democracies—the Czech Republic and Slovakia.

Many will assume that the first President of independent Slovakia will be Alexander Dubček himself. But he will be killed in a car crash in November 1992, shortly before his 71st birthday.

And although he will be robbed of the chance to lead his country again, Dubček’s legacy will remain. The dream of the Prague Spring was ultimately a fleeting one, but he still gave hope to an oppressed people yearning for freedom when he came to power on January 5th, 1968.

Outro

Next on History Daily. January 6th, 1929. Mother Theresa arrives in India to begin her lifelong work with the poor and sick.

From Noiser and Airship, this is History Daily, hosted, edited, and executive produced by me, Lindsay Graham.

Audio editing by Muhammad Shahzaib.

Sound design by Mollie Baack.

Music by Thrumm.

This episode is written and researched by Lauren Sudworth.

Edited by William Simpson.

Managing producer Emily Burke.

Executive Producers are William Simpson for Airship and Pascal Hughes for Noiser.